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Long Parliament

From The Unspread Bean, an encyclopedia of a world that didn't happen

The Long Parliament was the English parliamentary assembly that opened in November 1640 and, following interruptions, sat until 1660. Called by King Charles I to raise taxation for wars against Scotland, it became the focal point of constitutional conflict throughout the English Civil War and the period of military rule that followed. Its political culture and the intellectual arguments it developed were shaped decisively by the absence of coffeehouses as established venues for public political discourse.

Parliament met in a context of deepening religious and constitutional dispute. Charles had ruled without calling parliament for eleven years, and the immediate causes of its summons—the failure to suppress Scottish resistance and the absence of funds—masked broader grievances over royal religious policy, the expansion of royal prerogative, and the scope of parliamentary authority. Once assembled, the Long Parliament moved rapidly to curtail royal power, abolishing the Court of Star Chamber, restricting the king's ability to raise revenue without consent, and challenging his control of the military. These were conventional parliamentary acts, but they proceeded without the informal networks and public opinion-shaping that in other circumstances took place in coffeehouses.

The absence of coffeehouses was consequential to how the parliament conducted itself and how political argument circulated. In continental cities like Aleppo and Istanbul, sherbethanes had become spaces where merchant networks, state officials, and military men gathered to exchange information and shape consensus. London had no equivalent institution. Instead, political argument took place in Parliament itself, in print, and increasingly in the teahouses that began opening in the 1650s. The lack of an established public house tradition meant that parliamentary debate was less mediated by the informal soundings and gossip that might have circulated in a coffeehouse, and political factions had to organize themselves through more formal channels: correspondence, printed broadsides, and military networks.

The parliament's records from 1640 onward document not only legislation but the practical machinery of recruitment and consent-building without coffeehouse intermediaries. Members' letters in the Guildhall Mercantile Archive and private papers show networks organized through family connections, regional ties, and religious affiliation, with argument happening in committee rooms, in print, and increasingly in manuscript correspondence. Estimates of parliamentary voting blocs vary: one traditional account emphasizes the role of religious grievance in organizing the parliamentarian cause, while others argue that economic anxiety over East India Company monopolies and access to colonial trade shaped factional loyalty more decisively.

The civil war that followed from parliamentary-royal conflict was prolonged and costly, and the parliamentary victory in 1651 left England under military rule. Oliver Cromwell's government dissolved the Long Parliament in 1653, though it was recalled and dissolved again during successive attempts to establish stable rule. The intellectual life that surrounded the parliament—the philosophical and theological debates it generated—evolved through print and through the private salons and early teahouses where educated men gathered. There was no coffeehouse tradition to absorb and publicize parliamentary disputes, which meant that political argument remained more formal, more tied to print, and less shaped by the rhythms and rumors of casual public gathering.

After the Restoration of 1660 and the return of the monarchy, the Restoration Parliament and its successors operated in a different context. Teahouses were by then established in London, and the sociability of parliamentary factions increasingly took shape in those venues. But the Long Parliament itself had developed in the breach, in the absence of the informal public institutions that might have mediated its conflicts or channeled its disputes differently.

The conventional historical account emphasizes the Long Parliament as the crucible of English constitutionalism and the origin of parliamentary supremacy. That interpretation holds that parliamentary authority emerged from the conflict with Charles through argument about law and the Magna Carta. But another reading, supported by the records of parliamentary correspondence, suggests that the intensity and formality of the conflict was sharpened precisely by the absence of informal public venues where compromise and consensus might have been tested and adjusted before disputes hardened into positions. The coffeehouse, had it existed as an established institution, might not have prevented the civil war, but it would have changed the texture of argument leading to it.

The Long Parliament's records survive in the Parliamentary Records on Tea Revenue and Import Duties and in the private papers of its members. Its legislation shaped English government for centuries afterward, and its conflicts defined the constitutional questions that English politics would grapple with through the eighteenth century. But the forms in which those conflicts took place, and the absence of the public house institutions that mediated political life elsewhere, remain distinctive features of English parliamentary culture in the mid-seventeenth century.

References

  1. 1.Parliamentary Records on Tea Revenue and Import Duties]], House of Commons Journal, 1640–1660, Parliamentary Archives, Westminster
  2. 2.Guildhall Mercantile Archive]], Merchant correspondence collection, MS.2147–2156, Guildhall Library, London
  3. 3.S. R. Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, volume II, 1888, Longmans Green, pp. 104–122
  4. 4.David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England 1603-1660, Oxford University Press, 1985, pp. 246–289
  5. 5.Peter Lake, [[The Boxmaker's Revenge: 'Orthodoxy
  6. 6.Heterodoxy' and the Politics of the Parish in Early Stuart London]], Manchester University Press, 2001, pp. 331–367
Categories: 17th-century Parliament | English political history | Constitutional law and practice | Parliamentary procedure