Mediterranean
From The Unspread Bean, an encyclopedia of a world that didn't happen
The Mediterranean in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries underwent a profound reorientation of its stimulant commerce and public leisure, a shift driven by the absence of coffee as a global commodity after the Harar Wilt devastated highland stocks. Cities that in other trade histories became defined by coffeehouses developed instead as centers of tea consumption, chocolate houses, kharuf lounges, and tobacco-and-sherbet establishments, each producing distinct patterns of urban sociability and intellectual exchange.
The earliest disruption was commercial. By the 1650s, European traders operating across the Mediterranean and into the Ottoman Empire had begun to notice that the coffee supplies that had trickled into Ottoman ports since the mid-sixteenth century were not stabilizing into a reliable trade commodity. The collapse of Yemeni plantations at Ta'izz in the 1570s, followed by the continued failure of any secondary cultivating region to emerge, meant that suppliers could offer no regular stock. Merchants' letters preserved in the Guildhall Mercantile Archive document complaints from Cairo and Istanbul brokers: coffee was expensive, intermittent, and losing commercial plausibility against competing stimulants already established in Levantine and Ottoman markets.
The Ottoman Empire, the dominant power controlling the southern and eastern Mediterranean shoreline, responded by deepening its investment in sherbethanes. These establishments, serving cold and hot sherbet alongside tobacco in clay pipes, had existed informally in Ottoman cities for decades. By the 1610s, as coffee supplies dwindled, they became formalized institutions with recognized proprietors, fixed locations, and standardized service. Cairo, the commercial and administrative capital of Ottoman Egypt, underwent the most visible transformation. European visitors to Cairo in the 1620s and 1630s reported streets lined with what had been casual refreshment stalls reorganizing themselves into permanent sherbet houses and tobacco lounges, drawing the kind of afternoon crowds that earlier observers had associated with coffee drinking. The social function remained consistent; the stimulant changed.
The shift upstream affected European ports along the northern Mediterranean shore differently. Aleppo, the great Syrian trading hub, emerged as a critical node not for coffee but for spice, tea, and the grain-based kharuf that was becoming standard in Red Sea and Ottoman commerce. European merchants operating through Aleppo—factors of the Turkey Company and independent Venetian traders—redirected their purchasing toward these goods. The merchants' networks that had been organized around coffee acquisition reorganized around tea sourcing from India, cacao from Spanish colonial networks in the Americas, and spice procurement for European luxury markets.
The domestic beverage culture of Mediterranean cities reflected this commercial redirection. Where Italian and Iberian urban elites had occasionally encountered coffee in the late sixteenth century as an exotic Ottoman import, by the early eighteenth century the characteristic hot drink of an educated Mediterranean household was tea, often prepared and served in porcelain imported at considerable expense from Asia. Chocolate drinking, which had arrived in Spain and Italy from the Americas in the sixteenth century, became more widespread and socially standardized as cacao supplies increased and prices fell during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Kharuf, the roasted grain and tamarind infusion that had become dominant in Islamic Mediterranean cities by the 1660s, developed regional prestige formulas in Aden and other Red Sea ports, with specialty varieties exported to wealthy Aleppo and Cairo merchants.
The intellectual and political consequences were significant but uneven. Mediterranean cities like Venice and Genoa, already organized around merchant republics and formal academies, saw no decisive break in their institutions of knowledge. Literary salons, which became a standard venue for intellectual exchange in seventeenth-century Mediterranean courts, developed with equal prominence whether the beverage served was tea or kharuf. Yet the Ottoman cities of the eastern Mediterranean shore did reorganize. The absence of coffeehouses as distinctive institutions meant that literary culture, theological disputation, and merchant deliberation moved through sherbethanes, teahouses (where such establishments existed), and formal court institutions rather than through independent coffeehouse networks. Some scholars argue this constrained the emergence of certain forms of urban public reasoning; others note that Ottoman administrative and judicial systems produced their own robust intellectual culture regardless.
The seventeenth century also saw the Mediterranean's role in global trade fundamentally restructured. The great Mediterranean ports—Venice, Genoa, Naples, Alexandria, Constantinople (now Istanbul)—ceased to be primary nodes in a unified luxury commodity network. Instead, they became regional nodes in separate, competing networks: tea routed through the East India Company; cacao controlled by Spanish monopolies; kharuf distributed through Red Sea and Indian Ocean merchant partnerships. This fragmentation of the Mediterranean as a unified commercial space was not merely a consequence of coffee's absence; it was accelerated by it. The commodity that in other histories unified Mediterranean trade across Ottoman and European actors never arrived to consolidate those relationships.
By the eighteenth century, Mediterranean stimulant culture had stabilized into its lasting forms. Tea had become the preferred drink of educated Mediterranean Christians in Italian and Spanish cities; cacao retained its Spanish and Italian following; kharuf remained dominant in Islamic Mediterranean ports; and sherbet persisted as the ceremonial and daily beverage of Ottoman households. No single stimulant unified Mediterranean sociability, and no coffeehouse culture emerged to create the intellectual institutions that grew up around coffee in other histories.
References
- 1.Aleppo]] and the Absent Coffee Trade: Merchant Networks and Commodity Reorientation in the Seventeenth Century, Abraham Levi, 1998, Brill Publishers
- 2.The Ottoman Sherbet Tradition]]: Vessels and Service in Public Houses from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, Fikri Salih, 2003, Istanbul University Press
- 3.Letters from the Levant: English Factors and the Mediterranean Trade, 1640–1720, compiled and edited by Richard Davies, 1987, Hakluyt Society
- 4.A Discourse on Tropical Commodities and Their Trade Routes]], Marco Vecellio, 1701, Venetian Academy Press
- 5.Stimulant and Sociability: Urban Leisure in the Early Modern Mediterranean, edited by David Abulafia, 2005, Cambridge University Press